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Contact Name
Defbry Margiansyah
Contact Email
editor.jissh@gmail.com
Phone
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Journal Mail Official
editor.jissh@gmail.com
Editorial Address
Kedeputian Bidang Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial dan Kemanusiaan (IPSK) / Deputy of Social and Humanity Sciences Jl Gatot Subroto No. 10, Jakarta, Post code: 12710
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Kota adm. jakarta pusat,
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INDONESIA
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
ISSN : 19798431     EISSN : 26567512     DOI : 10.14203/jissh
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
Journal of Indonesian Social Science and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed international journal in English organized by Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). It is published biannually and covers all aspects of Indonesia, regional and international studies from Indonesian perspective. JISSH features original research papers, research/dissertation summary, and book review. We welcome manuscript that is an unpublished paper and not ongoing proccessed at other publications from scholars, policymakers, experts, practitioners, and students. The Scope of JISSH : social; humanities; economic; culture; politic; regional
Articles 102 Documents
BREAKING THE SILENCE: ARTICULATING THE MEMORIES OF THE TANJUNG PRIOK VICTIMS Akmaliah, Wahyudi
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 5 (2015): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (202.719 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v5i1.21

Abstract

For the victims of atrocities, the past is not the past: it remains a trauma. The more they try to forget, the more entrenched their memories become. Hence, memory is a means for sustaining their quest for justicea way victims and their advocates can keep faith in their pursuit of truth, accountability and legal restitution. Unlike the situation during the Suharto presidency when the Indonesian people were silenced, this paper is now able to examine the memories, now articulated, of the people a?ected by the Tanjung Priok tragedy, which have appeared since Suhartos fall. This gives momentum to a new phase of political development in which Indonesians, particularly the victims of violence, may break their silence to pursue justice. The following questions need to be asked: what are the circumstances that have encouraged the victims to articulate their memories in the 17 years since Suhartos departure? In what way have they kept their memories fresh? This paper argues that the main reason they articulate their memory is because of the traumas that always haunted them during the Suharto presidency. The trauma and injustices experienced; the torture, gaol, and the stigma attached to them by the Suharto regimes propaganda, all ensured that the general Indonesian social memory of the events at Tanjung Priok was false and distorted. But those sites of memory, the rites, monuments, and memoirs served to strengthen the articulation of those memories to enable some redress after Suharto regime had ended.
THE (TRANS)FORMATION OF RELIGIOUS CAPITAL IN INDONESIAN POLITICS DURING NEW ORDER ERA: A CASE STUDY OF NAHDLATUL ULAMA Damm, Muhammad R
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 8, No 2 (2018): Special Issue: "Democracy, Identity, and Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (110.592 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v8i2.96

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Religious capital always has crucial role in Indonesian politics. This paper aims to analyze the formation and transformation of religious capital in New Order era that has been heavily influenced by the dynamics of relationship between the state and religious groups, especially Islam, over time. As a case study, this paper will discuss Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). By analyzing the development of NU during the course of the New Order, it shows that the transformation can be divided in two phases. The first phase is the systematic weakening of Islamic movement since the late 1960s until the midst of 1980s. It is conducted by manipulation such as demonization of Islamic groups in 1960s, as well as by several policies and regulations such as simplification of political party system in 1973 and the enforcement of Pacasila as the sole principle for socio-political life in 1985. The second phase characterized by de-politicization of Islamic organizations since the midst of 1980s and at the same time, by capitalization of religious symbols and identity by individual politicians in political practices during 1990s.
THE BANDUNG SPIRIT: NATION STATE AND DEMOCRACY Lay, Cornelis
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 6, No 1 (2016): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2073.389 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v6i1.55

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This article aims to show the relevance of the Bandung Asia Africa Conference in 1955 to the current debate on democracy. It argues that the Bandung Asian-African Conference was the second massive but wellcoordinated democratic movement on a global scale. It has paved the way for the production of new political space globally as well as for individual nations -- space that is more democratic in nature, where people can claim and exercise their citizenship rights. Re?ecting on Soekarnos speech at the opening of the Asia Africa Conference, this article argues that there is an urgent need for a deeper involvement of political and social forces of the Global South to put themselves as the front liners in defning and making use of democracy, instead of leaving it to be dictated by Neo-liberal lines of thinking. This is so because Indonesian experience during the last 15 years or so has clearly demonstrated the very limits of liberal democracy. This article further argues the need to build a collaborative e?ort amongst scholars of the Southern Hemisphere to challenge the superiority of liberal ideas and practices of democracy.
FAILURE OF BILATERAL DIPLOMACY ON IRIAN BARAT (PAPUA) DISPUTE (1950-1954) Siswanto, Siswanto
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 8, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (220.479 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v8i1.91

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Fundamentally, Irian Barat (Papua) dispute between The Netherlands Indonesia was a territorial conflict or an overlapping claim. The Netherlands as the former colonialist did not want to leave Irian Barat (Papua) or remained still in the region, meanwhile Indonesia as the former colony denied the Netherlands status quo policy in Irian Barat (Papua). Potential dispute of the Irian Barat (Papua) was begun in the Round Table Conference (RTC) 1949. There was a point of agreement in RTC which regulates status quo on Irian Barat (Papua) and it was approved by Head of Indonesia Delegation, Mohammad Hatta and Van Maarseven, Head of the Netherlands Delegation. As a mandate of the RTC in 1950s there was a diplomacy on Irian Barat (Papua) in Jakarta and Den Haag. Upon the diplomacy, there were two negotiations held by diplomats of both countries, yet it never reached a result. As a consequence, in 1954 Indonesia Government decided to stop the negotiation and searched for other ways as a solution for the dispute. At the present time, Jakarta-Papua relationship is relatively better and it is based on a special autonomy, which gives great authority to the Local Government of Papua.
UNDERSTANDING INDONESIA: THE ROLE OF ECONOMIC NATIONALISM Wie, Thee Kian
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 3 (2010): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (894.629 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v3i1.46

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In this paper it is argued that economic nationalism in Indonesia, in its variousmanifestations, has been an important factor in determining particular economicpolicies since Indonesias independence up to the present. These economic policiesparticularly related to the ownership of productive assets owned by foreigners orby residents considered to be foreign, particularly Dutch business interests before1957 and the ethnic Chinese, including Sino-Indonesians, and to the economicfunctions performed by foreigners or by foreign residents. Focusing on one factoralone to understand Indonesia, specifcally Indonesias economic policies over time,is necessarily arbitrary and subjective. However, looking at Indonesias moderneconomic history since independence through the prism of economic nationalismdoes to an important degree explain or highlight the major considerations underlyingparticular economic policies of the Indonesian government because they re?ectedIndonesias national aspirations or national interests.
TEN YEARS OF REFORMS: THE IMPACTS OF AN INCREASE IN THE PRICE OF OIL ON WELFARE Adam, Latif; Lestari, Esta
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 1 (2008): Special Issue: Ten Years Reformasi
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1172.042 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.8

Abstract

The Asian economic crisis that erupted in Indonesia in mid-1997 has resulted in fundamental changes in the structure of the Indonesian economy. For instance, although it was a controversial decision, the fuel subsidy has been extensively reduced since 2000 because of government budget constraints. This paper examines the decision of the government to eliminate the fuel subsidy (and increase the price of fuel) from 2000. It also measures to what extent such a decision has affected the level of peoples welfare in 2005. Using regression analysis, the paper indicates that the decision of the government to increase the price of oil, together with several other variables, correlates negatively with the level of peoples welfare. Based on these findings, it is recommended that the government should be careful in responding to the current conditions in the oil market where the world oil price fluctuates and has increased sharply. Instead of increasing the domestic fuel price, there are several actions that the government can take to respond to the increasing world oil price. Among them are implementing a cross-subsidy policy to redistribute income from higher to lower income groups, making comprehensive plans to increase and achieve lifting oil target, and intensifying efforts to diversify sources of energy.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF HISTORY UNDER INDONESIAS NEW ORDER: THE MAKING OF THE LUBANG BUAYA OFFICIAL NARRATIVE Djakababa, Yosef M
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 3 (2010): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (717.194 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v3i1.77

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SYUHADA MOSQUE AND ITS COMMUNITY IN CHANGING YOGYAKARTA, 1950S1980S Zara, Muhammad Yuanda
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 6, No 2 (2016): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v6i2.37

Abstract

One of Yogyakarta citys symbols of colonialism is the Kotabaru region, which during the colonial period was a housing complex for Dutch ofcials and a handful of Indonesian elite. The Japanese took over the area during their Occupation. Following Indonesian independence, Indonesians seized the area for the interests of the newly born Republic of Indonesia. Syuhada Mosque, the frst modern mosque in post-independence Indonesia, was then built there, representing both Islam and Indonesian nationalism, as the mosques name and location suggest. Unlike most Indonesian mosques at the time, which were established primarily as a place for worship, Syuhada brought social and political missions. The activities of its community encompassed religious practices (such as fve obligatory daily prayers and recital of Koranic verses), handling social matters (education for children, youth and women, debate on Islam and modernity, and counter-Christianization activities), as well as responding to national politics (such as the anti-Communist movement in 1960s). Its community mostly lived outside the immediate environment of the mosque, yet Syuhada managed to present itself not just as a mosque for a small community, but for a city, even for the Indonesian nation-state. Given its four decades of overarching religious and sociopolitical functions, the mosque is deliberately aimed at a new generation of Indonesian Muslims: middle class, urban, educated, and open-minded Muslims, and serves as a role model for later mosques and religious institutions.
THE IMPORTANCE OF UNDERSTANDING ADOLESCENT ISSUES Baskoro, Andhika Ajie
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 7, No 2 (2017): Special Issue: "Health, Environment, and Sustainable Development"
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (253.961 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v7i2.145

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NUCLEAR VILLAGE AND RISK CONSTRUCTIO JAPAN: A LESSON LEARNED FOR INDONESIA Sarjiati, Upik
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 5 (2015): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : LIPI Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (237.896 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v5i1.26

Abstract

Japans success in the development of nuclear energy cannot be separated from the role of the nuclear village, a pro-nuclear group comprising experts, bureaucrats, politicians and the mass media. The nuclear village created an image of nuclear energy as safe, cheap and reliable. Using this nuclear village was one of the strategies used to construct a perception of the risk of nuclear energy. Thus, the acceptance by Japanese people of nuclear energy is an important factor in their support for economic development. However, the Fukushima nuclear accident changed the publics perception of nuclear energy and the Japanese Government was asked to end the operation of nuclear power plants. The government decided to change energy policy by phasing out nuclear power by the end of year 2030. Conversely, the Fukushima nuclear accident has not impeded the Indonesian Governments plans to build nuclear power plants. Thus, understanding how the Japanese Government managed nuclear risk is expected to raise Indonesian public awareness of such risks.

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