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Contact Name
Asep Muhamad Iqbal
Contact Email
jassr@uinsgd.ac.id
Phone
+6282129451616
Journal Mail Official
jassr@uinsgd.ac.id
Editorial Address
Office of Centre for Asian Social Science Research Ruang Pusat Kajian Ilmu Sosial Asia Lantai 2, Gedung FISIP, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung Jalan AH Nasution 105, Cipadung, Cibiru, Bandung, Indonesia 40614
Location
Kota bandung,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Journal of Asian Social Science Research
ISSN : 27219399     EISSN : 27219593     DOI : doi.org/10.15575/jassr
Journal of Asian Social Science Research is a peer-reviewed and open access publication since 2019. It aims to contribute to the development of Asian social science by providing a forum for researchers, academics and policy-makers to publish their research on the broad problems on Asian social science. The Journal seeks to publish original research articles and review papers that deal with issues in Asian social science including sociology, anthropology, political science, public administration, education, communication studies, media studies, religious studies, history, and cultural studies. The journal also has strong interest in interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary studies on social science in Asia and related to Asia. The Journal is published twice a year by the Centre for Asian Social Science Research, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung, Indonesia. The Journal only publishes manuscripts in English.
Articles 10 Documents
THE ROMA IN POST-COMMUNIST BULGARIA: GROWING SOCIAL MARGINALIZATION AND STATE POLICIES Christidis, Yorgos
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (893.531 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i1.1

Abstract

This article analyzes the growing impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma in Bulgarian society and the evolution of Bulgaria?s post-1989 policies towards the Roma. It examines the results of the policies so far and the reasons behind the ?poor performance? of the policies implemented. It is believed that Post-communist Bulgaria has successfully re-integrated the ethnic Turkish minority given both the assimilation campaign carried out against it in the 1980s and the tragic events that took place in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This Bulgaria?s successful ?ethnic model?, however, has failed to include the Roma. The ?Roma issue? has emerged as one of the most serious and intractable ones facing Bulgaria since 1990. A growing part of its population has been living in circumstances of poverty and marginalization that seem only to deteriorate as years go by. State policies that have been introduced since 1999 have failed at large to produce tangible results and to reverse the socio-economic marginalization of the Roma: discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion continue to be the norm. NGOs point out to the fact that many of the measures that have been announced have not been properly implemented, and that legislation existing to tackle discrimination, hate crime, and hate speech is not implemented. Bulgaria?s political parties are averse in dealing with the Roma issue. Policies addressing the socio-economic problems of the Roma, including hate speech and crime, do not enjoy popular support and are seen as politically damaging.
SELF, SOCIETY, AND REPRESSION IN BABEL: A PSYCHOANALYTIC PERSPECTIVE Iqbal, A.M.
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (294.882 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.2

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As the prevailing studies tend to neglect how media depict the sociological question about the relationship between self and society and the dualism between pleasure and reality in modern society, this article examines this important issue by analyzing the award-winning film Babel by using a psychoanalytic perspective. Based on textual analysis of the film?s storylines, this article argues that Babel not only substantially represents the relationship between self and society, but also depicts the continuing tension and dualism between them. This is seen in the storylines of its characters that illustrate the relationship between sexual drives and social regulations. For the sake of social interests and cultural production, pleasure is repressed by external reality and sexuality is repressed through socially sanctioned sexual regulations. The self must attempt to balance between libidinal desire and social control to enter the normality of the social world.
SUNNI AND SHIITE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF ISLAM STATE RELATIONSHIP: A COMPARISON BETWEEN ABDURRAHMAN WAHID OF INDONESIA AND AYATOLLAH KHOMEINI OF IRAN Nurdin, Ahmad Ali; Kharlie, Ahmad Tholabi
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (305.887 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.5

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This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini?s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
PERFORMING ISLAMIC RITUALS IN NON-MUSLIM COUNTRIES: WEDDING CEREMONY AMONG INDONESIAN MUSLIMS IN THE NETHERLANDS Riyani, Irma
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (321.287 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.7

Abstract

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini?s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.
ARCHIVING KNOWLEDGE TRANSMISSION IN ISLAMIC EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION: THE CASE OF PESANTREN MIFTAHUL HUDA TASIKMALAYA, INDONESIA Anwar, Rully Khairul; Rahman, M. Taufiq
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (316.832 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.8

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This paper discusses the archiving system of knowledge transmission in traditional Islamic educational institution in Indonesia. The process of knowledge transmission in Islamic traditional educational institution cannot be separated from its position as the center of Islamic education and information. This study focuses its analysis on the Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Tasikmalaya, Indonesia, using qualitative method and data collection techniques through observation and interview. The results show that archiving knowledge transmission was limited and not well-managed in the pesantren Miftahul Huda. The pesantren was traditional in its archiving system in that it relied on the teachers? memories in the process of transmission of Islamic science. To maintain an archiving system in traditional Islamic educational institution, pesantrens in Indonesia must pay serious attention to the archiving of their documents and activities for practical and scientific purposes. The support of local and central government support and other parties will be valuable and useful for these purposes.
NEW GROUNDED FEMINIST APPROACH TO ISLAM IN INDONESIA: A TEXTUAL ANALYSIS OF RAHIMA AND FAHMINA’S PUBLICATIONS Nurmila, Nina
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (870.163 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i1.11

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This article aims to offer a textual analysis of Rahima and Fahmina?s publications. Rahima and Fahmina are two Non-Government Organizations founded in 2000 by a young generation of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the largest moderate Muslim organizations in Indonesia. There are more similarities than differences between Rahima and Fahmina because the persons involved in the organizations are close friends and, in fact, the same persons even though both are based in two different cities. Since their foundation, both Rahima and Fahmina have published many books and magazines. This article argues that both Rahima dan Fahmina publications offer a new grounded feminist approach to Islam, which counterbalance the dominant male-biased normative approach to Islam in most Muslim societies. These publications are based on their feminist activism and community engagement with the grass-root level of many Nahdlatul Ulama pesantrens (Islamic boarding schools). The topics of their publication cover many current issues such as fiqh of women?s reproductive rights and empowerment, fiqh of the daily life of migrant workers, fiqh of anti-trafficking, prevention of child marriage, violent extremism and religious pluralism. As a result, the progressive nature of their publications negates the existing label of NU as the traditionalist organization.
THE CONCEPTIONS OF SHARIA AND CITIZENSHIP IN INDONESIA AND MALAYSIA Ali, Muhamad
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 1 No. 1 (2019)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (310.343 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v1i1.12

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Indonesia and Malaysia offer comparative perspectives concerning the relationship between loyalties to the Muslim umma, local ethnicity, and the modern nation-state, and how interpretations of the sharia and modern constitution, laws, politics, and policies intersect in multiple and changing ways. This article seeks to compare and contrast some of the contemporary discourses on sharia and citizenship as demonstrated by Indonesian and Malaysian scholars, politicians, and activists. Both Indonesian and Malaysian constitutions were born out of the modern notion of citizenship that recognizes religious diversity. On the one hand, the Constitution of Indonesia does not specify Islam as the state religion, but the government promotes official religions. On the other hand, the Constitution of Malaysia makes it explicit that Islam is the state religion while recognizing religious diversity. The Indonesian government does not conflate particular ethnicity with Islam, whereas Malaysia integrates Islam and Malay ethnicity amidst Malaysian religious and ethnic plurality. Both cases prevent us from categorizing each case as either an Islamic legal conservatism or a modern legal liberalism. These two cases resist the binary opposition between sharia conservatism deemed against citizenship and modern legal liberalism deemed against religious laws. There are ambiguities, contradictions, as well as compromises and integration between conflicting ideas and systems concerning Islam and citizenship.
SASAK PEOPLE’S RESISTANCE AGAINST MATARAM-KARANGASEM AND DUTCH COLONIAL RULERS: THE ROLE OF TUAN GURU UMAR KELAYU Tohri, Ahmad; Habibuddin, H.; Rasyad, Abdul
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (839.551 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i1.13

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This article discusses the Sasak people?s resistance against MataramKarangasem and Dutch colonial rulers in the 19th century in Lombok, Indonesia. It particularly focuses on Tuan Guru Umar Kelayu and his central role in the emergence of Sasak people?s resistance which transformed into Sasak physical revolution local and global imperialismcolonialism. Using the historical method, this article collected data through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The data analysis involved the historical methods of heuristics, verification or criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The findings show that Sasak people?s resistance was not only caused by economic factors but also related to other factors such as social, cultural, and religious ones. Tuan Guru Umar Kelayu played a key role in the Sasak people?s resistance in that it was under his leadership and influence that the resistance transformed into a physical struggle against MataramKarangasem and Dutch colonialism as seen in Sakra War and Praya War which were led by his students and friends.
HOW REFORMIST ISLAMIC THEOLOGY INFLUENCES MUSLIM WOMEN’S MOVEMENT: THE CASE OF LIBERAL-PROGRESSIVE MUSLIMS IN INDONESIA Hidayah, Nur
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (843.035 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i1.15

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Reformist Muslim ideology has been perceived to liberate Muslim women from the shackles of patriarchal religious and cultural norms. This article analyzes the extent to which contemporary reformist Islamic theology influences Muslim women?s movement in the light of Muslim debates on women and gender issues. In doing so, it focuses on the case of Islamic reform by Indonesian liberal-progressive Muslims since the late New Order and its influence on the Muslim women?s movement in the country. This article argues that Islamic reform promoted by contemporary liberal-progressive Muslims has given a significant contribution to the development of Muslim women?s movement. It has laid the ground for an Islamic paradigm shift on the discourse on Islam and gender. The opening of the gate of ijtihad and respect for modernity espoused by reformist Muslims have provided tools for radical change in Islamic discourse on gender while still ground such change on an Islamic basis. It has empowered Muslim women to claim for the rights in religious knowledge production and build a critical mass of Muslim women who take an active part in the struggle for gender and social justice. However, the development of Muslim women?s movement has been far more vibrant through its engagement with the dynamic of its surrounding socio-political circumstances and though critical dialogue with broader currents of feminist thoughts. Such complex genealogies have enabled Muslim women?s movement to claim its own identity as indigenous Islamic feminism that poses multiple critiques to any unjust systems that deprive Muslim women of their rights.
ARE BOTTOM-UP APPROACHES IN DEVELOPMENT MORE EFFECTIVE THAN TOP-DOWN APPROACHES? Kaiser, Md Shahidulla
Journal of Asian Social Science Research Vol. 2 No. 1 (2020)
Publisher : Centre for Asian Social Science Research (CASSR), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (838.753 KB) | DOI: 10.15575/jassr.v2i1.20

Abstract

This article analyzes both the top-down and bottom-up approaches of development interventions in the Global South with reference to historical backgrounds and particular case studies. It is a fact that channeling Western financial aid by using the top-down approach has not been successful when compared to the results of poverty reduction programs in poor Southern countries over the past decades. As a result, bottom-up institutions like NGOs and bottom-up development programs like microfinance emerged in the late 80s and have become popular across developing countries. However, recently, the performance of NGOs has been questioned and it is perceived that they have lost their roots. Moreover, the bottom-up NGOs seem unable to flourish further without financial aids although bottom-up development approaches seem to be more effective than top-down development approaches as they ensure people?s participation and right to choose. Hence, this article argues that no single development approach is more effective than another. In the globalized world, there are no scopes to justify isolation from each other since countries in the Global South still approach South-South Cooperation and also receive financial aid from the Northern donors. Although there are some gross failures of past top-down development approaches, then, not all the bottom-up approaches are fully successful. This article maintains that to ensure cohesive development works, the global world needs both development approaches.

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